(B)
Because middle-class students are often only points of contrast against which the
various experiences of working-class students are set, they are typically treated as a
relatively undifferentiated group. However, as the middle class has expanded it has
become increasingly internally differentiated—in terms of both vertical and horizontal
distinctions. Our own research indicates that these distinctions are intimately connected
to education provision. Our own ongoing research based on a cohort of some 350 academically able
middle-class students shows how, even within this group, different educational
pathways consolidate vertical differentiation within the middle class. Although the
overwhelming majority of our respondents are getting on, most of those who are getting
on ‘famously’ attended private schools and elite universities. Some schools, notably
those that are private and academically selective, feed a greater portion of their students
into high-status universities which then provide pathways into high-status occupations
and high incomes.
In addition to vertical differentiation, though, there is horizontal differentiation.
Indeed, some argue that the extent of differentiation is such that we should refer to the
middle classes. Savage et al. (1992), for instance, identify lines of horizontal
differentiation that are based upon the ownership of distinctive types of asset. They
identify three distinct middle classes; the petite bourgeoisie holding property assets,
managers holding organizational assets and professionals holding cultural capital. The
first of these, the petit bourgeoisie, has been a relatively unimportant grouping in the UK,
but the divide between managerial and professional class is they argue, fundamental to
any understanding of the middle class. Indeed, Halon (1998) argues that we are
currently seeing a struggle between the managerial and the professional classes and
between managerial and professional elements within both groups. To some extent this
has led to a blurring of the distinction as the ‘professions’ have become more
managerialized and management roles more professionalized.
In our own middle-class cohort there have been high levels of movement between
those in managerial and those in professional roles. Moves from professional to
managerial roles appear to be largely associated with upward progression within a career.
However, movement from managerial to professional occupations was often the result
of ‘sideways’ movement.
【題組】74. Based on the passage, which of the following statements is NOT true for the middle
classes?
(A) Educational backgrounds could be a predictor for their future income.
(B) The most insignificant type of the middle classes was petit bourgeoisie.
(C) It was not possible to differentiate managerial classes from professional classes.
(D) Moving from managerial to professional was considered as a promotion.
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