29 有關美國的兩岸政策,下列敘述何者錯誤?
(A)美國聲明不排除扮演兩岸調停人的角色,以維持臺海的和平穩定
(B)美國承諾提供防禦性武器給臺灣人民,對臺軍售不設定終止期限
(C)臺灣關係法並沒有規定美國一定須防衛臺灣
(D)美國不支持臺灣獨立
統計: A(274), B(95), C(201), D(228), E(0) #2052960
詳解 (共 4 筆)
美國對華政策被稱為「戰略模糊」。具體而言,是在對中國大陸的「三個公報」、以及對台灣的「臺灣關係法」和「六個保證」之間取得平衡。
欲建立一個對兩岸不構成壓力的鼓勵性環境,在警告大陸勿使用武力的同時,警告臺灣勿尋求獨立。試圖尋找一個兩岸能同時接受維持現狀的立場。 (D)
2004年,美國國務院表示,依「臺灣關係法」,美國將提供臺灣防禦性武器,但沒規定美軍一定要馳援臺灣。 (C)
2016年5月16日於眾議院通過<六項保證>(和三公報皆屬政策性宣言,不具強制力):
- 美國未同意對臺軍售設定期限 (B)
- 美國並不尋求為臺灣與中華人民共和國之間作調停 (A)
- 美國也不會施加壓力要求臺灣與中華人民共和國談判
- 美國對臺灣主權的長期立場沒有改變
- 美國並無計劃修改臺灣關係法
- 八一七公報的內容並不表示美國對臺軍售之前會徵詢北京意見。
2013年12月25日
馬總統接受亞洲週刊專訪
問:
關於美「中」兩國國防部長舉行會談時,中共國防部長常萬全提出如果美方停止對臺軍售,中方可以考慮調整軍事部署,對此,臺灣有何因應對策?
總統:
我覺得中共會一直提出,是因為中共覺得美國軍售對臺灣很重要,但是美國不會接受,因為這關係到美國對整個亞太的布局,也就是說,美國對中華民國有所謂的「六項保證」,是在1982年8月17日「八一七公報」之後所提出。
第一、對臺灣的軍售沒有訂定截止期限;
第二、軍售之前不會與中共諮商;
第三、不會在兩岸之間扮演調人角色;
第四、不會修正《臺灣關係法》;
第五、不會改變對臺灣地位的看法;
第六、不會要求臺灣與中共談判。
這個「六項保證」是在「八一七公報」之後就正式向我們表達,已經30多年了。
前美國助理國務卿坎培爾(Kurt Campbell)去年在國會中還談了「六項保證」,為什麼30年來美國還是非常堅持呢?因為這不但對維護中華民國與美國的關係非常重要,對維護亞太的平衡也非常重要,是希望中華民國在這個地方保有自己所有的一切,但為什麼美國又贊成我們和大陸往來呢?因為美國覺得這樣可以降低我們與大陸的緊張關係,至少兩任美國政府都高度肯定我們與大陸改善關係,但是當大陸要求美國停止對臺軍售,美方的態度一貫是不會跟大陸談這個問題,而美國有沒有人這樣主張呢?有,但是是少數,不會構成學術界或公務界主流的想法。
Apr. 10, 1979
Taiwan Relations Act《臺灣關係法》
Public Law 96-8
96th Congress
An Act
To help maintain peace, security, and stability in the Western Pacific and to promote the foreign policy of the United States by authorizing the continuation of commercial, cultural, and other relations between the people of the United States and the people on Taiwan, and for other purposes.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
Short Title
SECTION 1. This Act may be cited as the “Taiwan Relations Act”.
Findings and Declaration of Policy
Section. 2.
a. The President- having terminated governmental relations between the United States and the governing authorities on Taiwan recognized by the United States as the Republic of China prior to January 1, 1979, the Congress finds that the enactment of this Act is necessary–
1. to help maintain peace, security, and stability in the Western Pacific; and
2. to promote the foreign policy of the United States by authorizing the continuation of commercial, cultural, and other relations between the people of the United States and the people on Taiwan.
b. It is the policy of the United States–
1. to preserve and promote extensive, close, and friendly commercial, cultural, and other relations between the people of the United States and the people on Taiwan, as well as the people on the China mainland and all other peoples of the Western Pacific area;
2. to declare that peace and stability in the area are in the political, security, and economic interests of the United States, and are matters of international concern;
3. to make clear that the United States decision to establish diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China rests upon the expectation that the future of Taiwan will be determined by peaceful means;
4. to consider any effort to determine the future of Taiwan by other than peaceful means, including by boycotts or embargoes, a threat to the peace and security of the Western Pacific area and of grave concern to the United States;
5. to provide Taiwan with arms of a defensive character; and
6. to maintain the capacity of the United States to resist any resort to force or other forms of coercion that would jeopardize the security, or the social or economic system, of the people on Taiwan.
c. Nothing contained in this Act shall contravene the interest of the United States in human rights, especially with respect to the human rights of all the approximately eighteen million inhabitants of Taiwan. The preservation and enhancement of the human rights of all the people on Taiwan are hereby reaffirmed as objectives of the United States.
Implementation of United States Policy with Regard to Taiwan
Section. 3.
a. In furtherance of the policy set forth in section 2 of this Act, the United States will make available to Taiwan such defense articles and defense services in such quantity as may be necessary to enable Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-defense capability.
b. The President and the Congress shall determine the nature and quantity of such defense articles and services based solely upon their judgment of the needs of Taiwan, in accordance with procedures established by law. Such determination of Taiwan’s defense needs shall include review by United States military authorities in connection with recommendations to the President and the Congress.
c. The President is directed to inform the Congress promptly of any threat to the security or the social or economic system of the people on Taiwan and any danger to the interests of the United States arising therefrom. The President and the Congress shall determine, in accordance with constitutional processes, appropriate action by the United States in response to any such danger.
(以下省略 Section. 4. ~ 17.)
Effective Date
Section. 18.
This Act shall be effective as of January 1, 1979.
Approved April 10, 1979.
1982年08月17日
Assurances For Taiwan(對臺各項保證)
Cable: Assurances for Taiwan
Drafted August 17, 1982
From: Secretary of State George Shultz
To: American Institute of Taiwan Director James Lilley
Concerning Taiwan’s request to make public President Reagan’s assurances,
– You should urge Chien
— to say in their public statement that, based on information received through appropriate channels, it is their understanding that the U.S. side:
— Has not agreed to set a date for ending arms sales to Taiwan
— Has not agreed to consult with the PRC on arms sales to Taiwan
— Will not play mediation role between Taipei and Beijing
— Has not agreed to revise the Taiwan Relations Act
— Has not altered its position regarding sovereignty over Taiwan. FYI: If asked why we have modified the statement on sovereignty, you should explain that we have consistently used this terminology in our public statements.
— Will not exert pressure on Taiwan to enter into negotiations with the PRC.
In their statement, there should of course be no linkage to President Reagan.
You should tell Chien that we will also make these points in John Holdridge’s public testimony tomorrow (Tuesday) before the SFRC.
---
1982-08-17
對臺各項保證
電報:對台各項保證
草擬日期:1982年8月17日
由時任美國國務卿喬治·舒茲
發送給時任美國在台協會處長李潔明
關於台灣要求公開雷根總統的各項保證
請敦促錢[復]在他們的公開聲明中表明,根據透過適當管道所取得的資訊,他們的理解是,美方:
— 未同意設定終止對台軍售的日期
— 未同意就對台軍售議題向中華人民共和國徵詢意見
— 不會在台北與北京之間擔任斡旋角色
— 未同意修訂《台灣關係法》
— 未改變關於台灣主權的立場。參考資訊:若被問及我們為何修改了關於主權的聲明,請說明我們一貫在公開聲明中使用該用語。
— 不會對台施壓,要求台灣與中華人民共和國進行談判。
在他們的聲明中,理當不應出現任何與雷根總統的關聯性。
請告知錢[復],美方亦將於明天(星期二)於何志立(John Holdridge)在參議院外交委員會的公開證詞中,提出上述立場。