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The good souvenir: representations of Okinawa and Kinmen islands in Asia Abstract Representations of indigenous Okinawa shisa (Japan) and Kinmen wind lion totems (Taiwan) are popular tourist souvenirs. They are also commonly used in destination tourism promotion as logos or mascots. Some tourism research describes these practices as exploitative and damaging to local culture. Other research suggests that resident consensus, local production and government sponsorship can produce a good souvenir that benefits local identity and economy. This paper reports on a semiotic analysis of these cultural representations as found onsite at these two destinations. Photographs are interpreted as index, icon and symbol according to Peirce’s semiotics compared. Seven types of representations were found that indicate complex relationships between original totems and their variations. The representations are the same for both destinations. This comparative research finds that each type of representation has a unique place in the tourism economy, but all are held together as a coherent whole by the form and location of the original totems. The good souvenir is a product of creative marketing and sponsorship and vigilant preservation of cultural heritage. The original totem form should be immutable; its value and significance increases over time. As commercial duplications proliferate, government policy should protect the originals and fix them in their physical locations. Introduction Pukaki is a carved wooden totem that represents a New Zealand Ngati Whakaue tribal ancestor. He was given to the British Crown in 1877 as a physical and spiritual seal of trust so that the tribal lands of the Rotorua Township would enjoy the benefits of development, especially for tourism. Negotiations over the 1880 Fenton Agreement and 1881 Thermal Springs Act broke down and disagreements led to violence and tribal leasehold-township lands were confiscated. The contracts were broken. Pukaki was not repatriated until 1997 when the true story of the unfulfilled agreements and his premature removal to Auckland Museum was told (Tapsell, 2000). The story of Pukaki’s confiscation by colonial powers illustrates heroic acts, tribal solidarity and determination to hold on to material representations of culture. Totems such as Pukaki are focal points of identity, pride and community. They are vulnerable because they are representations of the intangible values and beliefs of a cultural ideology. Violent confiscation of the totem or touristic distortion of its form can have serious effects on cultural identity.When disconnected, it will gradually slip from taboo to artifact, to curiosity and, finally, to nothing more than a souvenir for tourists. Totems are commonly found on islands in Oceanic and Asian cultures where they serve as boundary markers, spiritual guardians and geomantic talismans. They possess ancestral prestige, offer spiritual protection and are repositories of genealogically ordered histories. In tourism, versions of the original totems circulate as souvenirs and cultural novelties, mini attractions and representations for destination promotion. These tourism versions are commercialized in similar ways at different destinations. This paper discusses two examples: the Okinawa “shisa” or roof dog and the Kinmen “feng shr ye” or wind lion, in Japan and Taiwan, respectively. Visual methods using photographs and semiotic analysis seek similarities between the development of souvenirs and other representations for tourism at the two destinations. A survey of previous research concerning problems associated with using culture for tourism shows that residents, visitors, entrepreneurs and government authorities are all involved in the process. This paper shows a range of commodity forms based on indigenous totems and illustrates relationships between types, and suggests a policy for making the good souvenir. Research goals are as follows: • To survey theoretical perspectives on the commercial use of cultural representations in tourism and its effects; • To describe and compare the original and commodity forms of the Okinawa shisa and Kinmen wind lion totems; • To employ a semiotic1 analysis by using photographs to identify how traditional, commercial and promotional forms of the totems are used; and • To identify good practice guidelines for the production of cultural representations based on indigenous cultural totems for tourism.

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