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最新試卷
115年 - 115 普通考試_統計:統計學概要#141846(10題)
115年 - 115 普通考試_資訊處理:計算機概要#141845(40題)
115年 - 115 普通考試_機械工程:機械設計概要#141844(7題)
115年 - 115 普通考試_財稅行政、金融保險:會計學概要#141843(27題)
115年 - 115 普通考試_財經廉政:經濟學與財政學概要#141842(50題)
115年 - 115 高等考試_三級_天文:近代物理#141841(11題)
115年 - [無官方正解]115 高等考試_三級_會計:政府會計#141840(27題)
115年 - 115 高等考試_三級_工業設計:產品設計#141839(4題)
115年 - 115 高等考試_三級_汽車工程:汽車底盤#141838(4題)
115年 - 115 高等考試_三級_環境檢驗:空氣污染物檢驗與噪音測定#141837(13題)
最新試題
20 丙公司自成立以來,存貨成本公式一直採用加權平均法。然而,公司決議自 X5 年初開始, 將存貨的成本公式更改為先進先出法。根據財務部門的盤點與歷史資料,在這兩種不同方法下,X4 年與 X5 年的期末存貨金額如下:已知丙公司所適用的所得稅率為 20%。試問:丙公司在 X5 年初進行會計處理時,針對此項改變,應如何認列會計政策變動累積影響數?(A)借記追溯適用及追溯重編影響數$24,000 (B)貸記追溯適用及追溯重編影響數$24,000(C)借記追溯適用及追溯重編影響數$20,000 (D)貸記追溯適用及追溯重編影響數$20,000
19 甲公司在進行 X3 年度期末結帳作業之前,發現在過去三年間,連續發生了兩項帳務處理上 的疏漏。首先是公司連續三年都忘記在年底將尚未支付的「應付薪資」入帳,X1 年底漏列了$60,000,X2 年底漏列了$40,000,而 X3 年底則漏列了$80,000。其次是倉儲部門的期末存貨盤點錯誤,X1 年底的期末存貨被少計了$30,000;X2 年底的期末存貨則被多計了$50,000;X3年底的盤點中,存貨金額正確無誤。若不考慮所得稅的影響,下列有關對甲公司 X1 年、X2年及 X3 年度淨利與保留盈餘的影響之敘述,何者錯誤?(A) X1 年淨利高估$30,000 (B) X2 年淨利高估$60,000(C) X2 年底保留盈餘高估$60,000 (D) X3 年底保留盈餘高估$80,000
18 甲公司於 X2 年度以現金$75,000,出售了一台成本為$100,000、且出售時帳面金額為$60,000 的機器設備。根據甲公司的資產負債表紀錄,在 X1 年底時,帳上機器設備總額為$900,000、累計折舊總額為$200,000;而到了 X2 年底,機器設備總額已因現金增購增加至$1,050,000,累計折舊總額則為$280,000。下列有關甲公司 X2 年度現金流量表(間接法)中相關資訊,何者錯誤?(A)出售機器利益$15,000,列為本期稅前淨利減項(B)折舊費用$120,000,列本期稅前淨利減項(C)於投資活動中,列報購買機器設備之現金流出$250,000(D)於投資活動中,列報出售固定資產現金流入$75,000
最新申論題
四、請分析半總統制下「雙元行政權」 (dual-executive)的制度意義及其對憲政運作之影響。(25 分)
三、「歷史制度主義」 (historical institutionalism)經常以「路徑依賴」(path dependence)解釋政治制度的持續與變遷。請說明「路徑依賴」之意義, 並分析其在政治學研究中的解釋力與限制。 (25 分)
二、政黨制解組(de-alignment)的原因為何?(10 分)請從臺灣民主化之後的第三黨運動發展來討論目前臺灣政黨體系的演變。 (15 分)
最新課程
【Jessie課程】自行編排 APA格式第七版之應用-教育學門論文寫作格式指引
講師:
Jessie-108第二次社工師已上榜
簡介:
已畢業碩士生將自身經驗整理出來,傳承給學弟妹,我是參考「教育學門論文寫作格式指引-APA格式第七版之應用...
警專地理-自然地理
講師:
邱廷斌
簡介:
為警專入學考試學生準備的地理專業科目
機械原理
講師:
林佳瑩
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●考前補帖《針對國考精選本科目重點筆記》 在機械原理科目中,運用到的力學較其他科目簡單,記好常考得機...
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公設財團法人
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財團法人
台灣人口結構
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台灣
民意 政策
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已開發 開發中
最新討論
28.有關狄喬治症候群(DiGeorge syndrome)之敘述,下列何者正確? (A)出現高血鈣症(hypercalcemia) (B)出現不正常發育的牙齒 (C)出現貝爾氏麻痺(Bell's palsy ) (D)有明顯B淋巴細胞缺乏
25.關於認知治療的機轉,下列敘述何者錯誤? (A)改變個案功能失調的假設,會導致有效的認知 (B)在情緒未被激發的情況下,思考也能被察覺及加以修正 (C)個案覺得一個問題情境已構成真正威脅時,他才會產生改變 (D)單只是激發情緒及伴隨的認知,並無法促成持久性的改變
28.下列那一個家族治療取向的諮商心理師,其態度最不具教育與指導性成分? (A)多世代取向 (B)阿德勒取向 (C)結構取向 (D)薩提爾取向
45. (A) legislators (B) instructors (C) conductors (D) manufacturers 以下是試卷內容的題目與選項: 請依下文回答第46題至第50題 Denver's public schools' three-year plunge from one of the nation's most carefully planned and promising examples of public-education transformation into a district led by a school board in disarray has multiple causes, and there's plenty of blame to spread around. Ultimately, however, it is the result of a concerted effort over more than a decade by organized and committed activists, local and national, who have opposed changing the governance and operation of school districts in any significant way. The politics of public education in Denver have grown increasingly in school systems across the country. What distinguishes the conflict over reform in Denver is how unrelated it is to student outcomes. While Denver's reforms have been far from perfect, they merit the national attention they've drawn. A growing body of evidence makes clear that outcomes for students in the city slowly yet significantly improved, including for students the district has historically failed to serve well. Yet as soon as Denver Public Schools took its initial steps toward reform less than two decades ago, an active opposition campaign arose, aimed not at moderating or improving the reforms, but at destroying them. In 2019, the election of three new anti-reform members to the Denver Board of Education flipped the board majority to that camp. Since the educational reform was launched in 2005, Denver's families and educators have embraced choice. The broad popularity of choice in Denver makes dismantling reform politically fraught for the board and its allies. In fact, the board has faced strong pushback from some parents and educators and has had to confront the complex reality of governing a district where choice, autonomy, and a focus on outcomes are now woven into the fabric of public education. But the union-supported board majority was determined to push ahead, and that meant cleaninghouse at the top. In fall 2020, Superintendent Susana Cordova resigned after less than two years on the job. Cordova is a Denver native and Denver Public Schools graduate who had spent most of her professional career working for the district. Cordova never got a chance to enact her own agenda. First, a teacher strike weakened her just weeks into her tenure. Next, the new board gave her no room to enact changes. Finally, softening the impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic became the district's sole focus. Now that the pandemic's disruption is receding, the board appears poised to renew its efforts to roll back reform. It has a good chance of succeeding, because in November 2021, all four of the anti-reform candidates won, giving their side unanimous control.
46 Which of the following is the main idea of this passage? (A) A group of activists are now close to their goal of dismantling the educational reform in Denver. (B) Denver's educational reform agenda has been badly interrupted by the Covid-19 pandemic. (C) Denver's educational reform has improved significantly, including students who had performed poorly. (D) Denver's teacher union-based board has made concerted efforts to implement a successful educational reform.
47 According to the passage, which of the following is true about the opposition camp of Denver's educational reform? (A) They supported changing the governance and operation of school districts. (B) They disagreed with the educational reform from the very beginning. (C) They insisted on teacher choice and autonomy in the governance of schools. (D) They gained full support from Denver's families and educators.