110年 - 110 國立政治大學_碩士班招生考試_宗教研究所:專業英文#102030

科目：研究所、轉學考(插大)-專業英文 | 年份：110年 | 選擇題數：0 | 申論題數：5

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所屬科目：研究所、轉學考(插大)-專業英文

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1. These groups can all be considered as "New religious movements" (NRMs). There is no scholarly consensus on a definition of NRMs, except that they are "new" at the time of their appearance in a particular place. How long do they stay "new"? According to one vicw, the novelty of NRMs is a function of their being exotic foreign implants- a conception which is too coloured by the Western experience of Asian-originated NRMs (and bence exotic to Westerners), to be of any comparative analytical value. By another perspective, an NRM is a group whose membership consists entirely of new converts, without second-generation believers. On the other hand, groups almost 200 years old, such as the Mormons, are still often considered as NRMs. Most Western NRM scholarship has focused on groups that appeared in the West after World War II; the term "NRM," however, is derived from the Japanese shinshukyo 新宗教,or shinko shikyo 新興宗教whichin Japanese scholarship, efers to religious groups wbich have emerged since the mid 19th century. Chinese cases have only recently entered academic discussions of NRMs, referring to studies of groups such as Yiguandao, the qigong movement and Falungong.

2. It is important to ask once again by way of conclusion: what makes an ordination egitimate? The cascs examined in this paper indicate that there are two kinds of religious establishment whose ordinations are accepted as 'legitimate': one is a centralized religious authority validated by the governing political power, and the other is a well established religious organisation in whose tradition people place their confidence. This article does not conclude tbat a challenge to the establishment in the form of a new tradition is impossible, but it suggests that an individually organised ordination, which follows a 'right' ceremonial procedure, cannot easily win public confidence.

3. In offering a religious interpretation of religion I do not claim that the naturalistic, or reductionist, accounts advocated by such thinkers as Feuerbach, Freud, Durkheim and their successors can be shown to be mistaken. It is evident that each of these is more

convincing in some areas than in others; but altbough severally limited they are in principle capable of being combined into comprehensive theories of religion as a self-regulating response of the human animal to the pressures generated by its particular niche within the biological system. The impossibility of refuting such interpretations is an aspect of the pervasive ambiguity of the universe. So also is tbe equal impossibility of refuting the interpretation of religion as our varied human response to a transcendent reality or realities - the gods, or God, or Brabman, or the Dharmakaya, or the Tao, and so on.

1.本文嘗試筆者多年的田野調查及對史文献的爬梳為依據,析論宋以降湘中梅山地區地方道教傳統的形成、發展與傳衍的歷史過程。梅山地區由唐五代開始為地方土著佔據。北宋時期,梅山才被納入王朝國家的版圖,「梅山」不單是地理標籤,也是鄉土鬼神信仰的泛稱。元末明初, 土地的開發成為「法術」展演的場地,這段時間為道教閭山派與本祭祝傳統相互結合的重要時期。明中葉,隨着政府鎮撫動亂,強化地方社會秩序控制,城隍以王朝國家的象徵進入鄉村社會。城隍相關祭祀禮儀的推廣,實有賴於正一派道教的傳播。在漫長的歷史過程中,不同的宗教禮儀傳統在不同時期進入鄉村社會,與郷土的鬼神信仰相疊合,呈現在鄉民日常的祭拜之中,形成明顯的地域特徵。

2.本文首先就育化堂作概括性介紹,說明鸞生年龄層分佈及性別比例、女鸞入鸞的動機,以及女鸞入鸞的時間；其次,宗教道途上的女鸞,描述這些上了年紀的女鸞,艱辛的習經之路,修行及歡喜的宗教生活；再者,透過「參與觀察」育化堂例行的宗教活動,如一般「神明生」祝壽日(以城隍爺為例)、為主祀神(以關聖帝君為例)祝壽,以及每月逢七的「乩日」一扶鸞降筆等儀式,說明男、女生參與鸞堂宗教儀式活動的情形,及其宗教實踐上的性别差異；最後,「看不見」的女鸞,論述何以「看不見」,誦經是女主要的宗教實踐之一,也是人們對於老年婦女最為熟悉的既定印象,或正因如此,以致人們漠或忽視此宗教實踐的重要性,在男鶯幾乎不誦經的情形下,女鸞勤於誦經的行為,對於恩主信仰實與男鸞有着相輔相成的力量及重要性。總的來看,這些老年婦女不無因她們的宗教實踐而扭轉原處於劣社會的處境。