25. The unexpected findings ______ several widely accepted assumptions in second language acquisition research. (A) put up with (B) came up with (C) ran out of (D) called into question V. Cloze Passage 1 Black-faced Spoonbills occur in Kinmen primarily because of the convergence of migratory dynamics and suitable wintering habitat conditions. As a migratory waterbird breeding in higher-latitude regions of East Asia, the species moves southward during winter, and Kinmen is strategically __26__ within this flyway system. In addition, Kinmen provides extensive shallow-water foraging habitats—including intertidal flats, estuarine zones, fishponds, and wetlands—that align closely with the spoonbill’s __27__ feeding strategy, in which the bill is swept laterally through the water to detect and capture prey such as small fish and crustaceans. The relative stability of trophic resources in these habitats further supports energetic maintenance __28__ the non-breeding season. As a globally threatened species, the Black-faced Spoonbill __29__ heavily on the continued protection of such limited wintering sites. Kinmen also offers low-disturbance roosting and resting sites suitable for group __30__, an important behavioral feature of the species during winter. At a broader spatial scale, Blackfaced Spoonbills rely on a network of coastal wetlands rather than a single site; Kinmen functions as a key node within this regional wintering network.

35. (A) precision (B) stamina (C) exultation (D) rigidity VI. Reading Comprehension Reading 1 In ancient Mesopotamia, bronze was far more than a useful material for tools and weapons. Archaeologists and historians now argue that control over bronze production helped early rulers build and maintain political power. Understanding how bronze was made, who controlled it, and how it was used reveals a great deal about the structure of early Mesopotamian states. Bronze is an alloy made primarily of copper and tin. Producing it required several stages: mining or acquiring the raw metals, smelting them at high temperatures, combining them in the correct proportions, and casting the resulting alloy into finished objects. This process demanded specialized knowledge that only a small number of skilled workers possessed. It also required materials that were not available locally. Southern Mesopotamia, the region around cities such as Ur and Uruk, had fertile land and abundant water, but it lacked natural deposits of copper and tin. As a result, these metals had to be brought in from distant regions, including Anatolia (in modern-day Turkey), the Iranian Plateau, and areas along the Persian Gulf. Because raw materials had to travel such long distances, only well-organized institutions—particularly royal palaces and temples—had the resources and connections needed to secure a steady supply. This gave these institutions significant influence over the entire bronze-making process, from importing raw metal to distributing finished goods. This influence operated in three main ways. The first involved military power. Bronze was used to make weapons such as spearheads, axes, and armor, which were essential for warfare and for maintaining control over territory. From the Early Dynastic period (roughly 2900–2350 BCE) through the later Neo-Assyrian Empire (911–609 BCE), rulers who controlled the production and distribution of metal weapons had a clear military advantage over rival cities and states. The second way involved the organization of labor. Archaeological excavations have uncovered workshops located near palaces and temples where bronze objects were produced. Workers in these workshops were often paid in rations of food, such as barley or oil, rather than wages. This system allowed institutions to closely supervise skilled laborers, ensuring that valuable bronze production remained under direct political control rather than being left to independent craftspeople. The third way involved religion and royal imagemaking. Temples commissioned bronze statues of gods, and rulers had bronze plaques, ceremonial vessels, and decorative fittings made for palaces and religious buildings. These objects were not simply decorative; they visually communicated a ruler’s connection to divine authority and reinforced the idea that political power was legitimate and supported by the gods. Taken together, these three uses—military, administrative, and religious—show that bronze was deeply connected to how power functioned in Mesopotamian society. Rulers did not just use bronze; they organized entire networks of trade, labor, and craftsmanship around it. Securing copper and tin meant maintaining trade relationships with distant regions. Supervising production meant managing workers and resources within the city. Commissioning religious and ceremonial objects meant shaping how the public perceived royal and divine authority. In this way, a single material connected very different parts of Mesopotamian political life. This pattern was not unique to Mesopotamia. Many archaeologists studying early states in other parts of the world have observed similar relationships between metal technology and political organization. When a valuable material requires complex production methods and long-distance trade, the institutions that can organize and control these processes often gain considerable political advantages over those that cannot. Mesopotamian bronze production offers one of the clearest and earliest examples of this broader pattern, showing how a technological development can become deeply intertwined with the rise and maintenance of state power.

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