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植物病蟲害防治與害蟲防治學
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最新試卷
115年 - 115 警察特種考試_三等_行政警察人員、外事警察人員(選試英語)、刑事警察人員、公共安全人員、犯罪防治人員預防組、交通警察人員交通組、警察資訊管理人員、刑事鑑識人員、國境警察人員、警察法制人員、行政管理人員、消防警察人員:中華民國憲法#140833(40題)
115年 - 115 移民行政特種考試_四等_移民行政:移民執法概要與刑事法概要(包括刑法概要與刑事訴訟法概要)#140832(27題)
115年 - 115 移民行政特種考試_三等_移民行政資訊組:資通訊及網路安全#140831(4題)
115年 - 115 移民行政特種考試_三等_移民行政資訊組:資訊管理與應用#140830(8題)
115年 - 115 移民行政特種考試_三等_各類科組:入出國及移民法規(包括入出國及移民法、人口販運防制法、國籍法、臺灣地區與大陸地區人民關係條例、香港澳門關係條例)#140829(27題)
115年 - 115 移民行政特種考試_二等_移民行政:入出國及移民法規(包括入出國及移民法、人口販運防制法、國籍法、臺灣地區與大陸地區人民關係條例、香港澳門關係條例)#140828(4題)
115年 - 115 移民行政特種考試_二等_移民行政:國土安全與移民政策研究#140827(5題)
115年 - 115 移民行政特種考試_二等_移民行政:移民執法與刑事法(包括刑法與刑事訴訟法)研究#140826(6題)
115年 - 115 國家安全情報特種考試_三等_資訊組(選試英文):網路應用與安全#140825(5題)
115年 - 115 國家安全情報特種考試_三等_國際組(選試英文):國際關係#140824(4題)
最新試題
40.甲公司於 2024 年 7 月 1 日以市價$60 購入乙公司股票 10,000 股,手續費$800。甲公司將所持有的乙公司股票歸類為透過其他綜合損益按公允價值衡量之權益工具投資。2024 年 12 月 31 日,乙公司股票市價為$65。2025 年 3 月 15 日,甲公司處分全部乙公司股票,處分價格為$68。請問甲公司處分投資利得為何? (A) $0 (B) $79,200 (C) $29,200 (D) $80,000
【已刪除】39.以下是台中公司的資料: 稅前淨利 ₤380,000 折舊費用 60,000 支付股利 90,000 處置土地收益 15,000 應收帳款減少 30,000 應付帳款減少 45,000 營運活動提供的淨現金流量為多少? (A) ₤320,000 (B) ₤410,000 (C) ₤440,000 (D) ₤500,000(E)一律給分
38.甲公司 3 月份關於存貨項目的期初餘額與交易資料如下:3 月 1 日 期初存貨 120 單位,每單位平均成本為$7003 月 10 日 以每單位$990,賣出 100 單位3 月 20 日 以每單位$800,進貨 180 單位3 月 30 日 以每單位$1,000,賣出 150 單位若甲公司存貨採永續盤存制之移動平均法,則 3 月份的銷貨成本為多少?(A) $190,000 (B) $190,500 (C) $188,000 (D) $188,500
最新申論題
(二)計算檢查後前 120 min 的時間積分活度占全時間積分活度的比例,並說明器官劑量評估為何不能僅使用物理半衰期。(8 分)
(一)分別計算兩成分的生物半衰期,再計算腎臟的總時間積分活度、總核轉變次數及自體吸收劑量。(12 分)
(二)若每週周圍等效劑量的控制目標為 0.100 mSv,且新增鉛屏蔽僅設置 於操作位置 A,計算理論上所需增加的最小鉛屏蔽厚度。(7 分)
最新課程
【國考助手】2025警察法規(中冊):警械使用條例、集會遊行法、公務人員行政中立法
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Critical PD, periodontal risk assessment
112會考 ➵ 生物
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神經系統﹠內分泌系統
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最新討論
65.有關Lugol's solution治療甲狀腺功能亢進之敘述,下列何者錯誤? (A)短暫且大量碘攝取會促進甲狀腺素合成 (B)最低的有效劑量為6 mg/day (C)可抑制vascularity of gland,並增加甲狀腺firmness (D)缺點為可能有escape phenomenon,因而加重thyrotoxicosis
66.下列有關 clonidine 之敘述,何者正確? (A)結構中具有 pyridine 雜環基團 (B)藥理活性作用類似 methoxamine (C)主要代謝為 aromatic hydroxylation (D)口服生體可用率差,建議靜脈注射給藥
17 關於刑法第 12 章偽造貨幣罪,下列敘述何者正確? (A)甲收受後才知道是偽鈔 100 元,為避免損失仍持之向檳榔攤買飲料,並不構成犯罪 (B)甲偽造遊戲場的代幣亦成立偽造貨幣罪 (C)甲收受才知道 10 元硬幣重量不足,為避免損失仍持之向便利超商買飲料,並不構成犯罪 (D)偽造、變造之通用貨幣、紙幣不論是何人所有,都要沒收
18 甲違規紅燈右轉當場遭警查獲,警察開立罰單時,甲謊報自己為其雙胞胎弟弟乙,並在交通違規 罰單三聯單上偽造乙簽名後交還警察,警察當場將其中違規人收受聯交予甲。甲應論以何罪? (A)行使偽造私文書罪 (B)行使偽造公文書罪 (C)使公務員登載不實罪 (D)偽造公文書罪
44. (A) originates from (B) pours into (C) fluctuates among (D) appears in
45. (A) legislators (B) instructors (C) conductors (D) manufacturers 以下是試卷內容的題目與選項: 請依下文回答第46題至第50題 Denver's public schools' three-year plunge from one of the nation's most carefully planned and promising examples of public-education transformation into a district led by a school board in disarray has multiple causes, and there's plenty of blame to spread around. Ultimately, however, it is the result of a concerted effort over more than a decade by organized and committed activists, local and national, who have opposed changing the governance and operation of school districts in any significant way. The politics of public education in Denver have grown increasingly in school systems across the country. What distinguishes the conflict over reform in Denver is how unrelated it is to student outcomes. While Denver's reforms have been far from perfect, they merit the national attention they've drawn. A growing body of evidence makes clear that outcomes for students in the city slowly yet significantly improved, including for students the district has historically failed to serve well. Yet as soon as Denver Public Schools took its initial steps toward reform less than two decades ago, an active opposition campaign arose, aimed not at moderating or improving the reforms, but at destroying them. In 2019, the election of three new anti-reform members to the Denver Board of Education flipped the board majority to that camp. Since the educational reform was launched in 2005, Denver's families and educators have embraced choice. The broad popularity of choice in Denver makes dismantling reform politically fraught for the board and its allies. In fact, the board has faced strong pushback from some parents and educators and has had to confront the complex reality of governing a district where choice, autonomy, and a focus on outcomes are now woven into the fabric of public education. But the union-supported board majority was determined to push ahead, and that meant cleaninghouse at the top. In fall 2020, Superintendent Susana Cordova resigned after less than two years on the job. Cordova is a Denver native and Denver Public Schools graduate who had spent most of her professional career working for the district. Cordova never got a chance to enact her own agenda. First, a teacher strike weakened her just weeks into her tenure. Next, the new board gave her no room to enact changes. Finally, softening the impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic became the district's sole focus. Now that the pandemic's disruption is receding, the board appears poised to renew its efforts to roll back reform. It has a good chance of succeeding, because in November 2021, all four of the anti-reform candidates won, giving their side unanimous control.